Caution: This lollipop could help you stop smoking

Sounds great, right? You must not be a politician. Hundreds of pharmacists are producing lollipops spiked with nicotine that more closely mimic the hit of nicotine a smoker gets from lighting up, and they’re tasty too, unlike many nicotine chewing gum products which the FDA says shouldn’t be too appetizing.

Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Calif.) apparently doesn’t want people to have a good-tasting alternative to smoking. He wrote a letter to Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson, asking him to stop sales of the nicotine pops until they’re approved by the FDA.

Pharmacists, responding to the demand for a better smoking-cessation technique, innovate with new products and one has even tried to apply for FDA approval but, naturally, can’t afford the costs of testing. Seems only huge pharmaceutical corporations can afford those (and they are supposed to hate the FDA because …).

Everyone knows that smoking is infinitely more harmful than any other form of nicotine intake. Fine, as long as we have an FDA, let’s get these products tested and approved, but why should smokers be denied the products in the meantime? It’s said they haven’t been proven "safe and effective" yet, but they haven’t been shown to be dangerous either. Live and let suck, I say.

Waiting for debate

Brink Lindsey hates to do it, but he’s calling out the anti-war libertarians at Antiwar.com, LewRockwell.com, againstbombing.com and the Independent Institute.

He’s not bothering to make an argument, mind you, just pointing out that they dare to be anti-war, as if it were self-evidently ridiculous. You’ll find a lot of bad anti-war arguments coming from libertarians, that’s true, as you’ll find many bad pro-war arguments coming from libertarians as well.

So, to point to a few raving lunacies at LewRockwell.com (not a difficult task, I assure you, though Lindsey doesn’t even bother with that much) or wherever does not accomplish much. One could just as easily point to the many bloggers who think that invading Saudi Arabia is a dandy idea, or that a U.S. military presence could help the Palestinians and Israelis get along. One should tackle the opposition’s strongest arguments, not its weakest.

Lindsey reserves particular disdain for the Independent Institute, which is holding a forum at which leftists Gore Vidal and Lewis Lapham are featured. He writes:

What is going on? What’s wrong with these people? One can dismiss particular individuals or groups as disreputable or crankish, but the fact is that anti-war views similar to those held by the loonie [sic] left are not uncommon among libertarians these days.

Naturally, he doesn’t bother to specify what views those are, relying on ad hominem and a selected one-line quote from Lapham. Perhaps it’s because I’m not especially gung ho about the war in Afghanistan (but not opposed to it, either), but I don’t see every anti-war view coming from a leftist as being per se loony or idiotic. There are some good reasons to be opposed to the war (not that they necessarily carry the day, in the end) and some bad ones.

It seems most pro-war libertarian bloggers don’t bother to investigate the difference, or even acknowledge that there is one. Moreover, the debate right now isn’t so much about what’s been done in Afghanistan, but about where we go from here and what it means to the future of American foreign policy and the safety of the American people.

I don’t know exactly what Vidal (whose new book I have not read) and Lapham — along with respected libertarian historian Robert Higgs (among others) — will be saying at the Independent Institute forum Lindsey finds so offensive, but here’s the promotional blurb, with my comments interspersed:

Could the horrific events of September 11th be setting in motion a chain of events far more significant than the terrorist attacks themselves? After retaliating against the Al Qaeda terrorist network, and its Taliban enablers, the Bush Administration now speaks of “bringing justice” to an “axis of evil” countries not involved in the 9/11 attacks — all while Osama bin Laden and most of the major terrorist leaders have escaped.

Now what is so ridiculous about this? There is still no convincing evidence that any of the "axis of evil" countries had anything to do with the Sept. 11 attacks, and it’s absolutely true that while Dubya is trying to build up support for a war on Iraq, bin Laden and many Al Qaeda leaders remain at large. Seems like a reasonable question to raise: Will an expansion of the terror war distract from its core mission — ensuring that Al Qaeda and other anti-U.S. terrorist groups don’t strike again? But I guess that’s just loony.

Meanwhile, the Middle East may be teetering on the brink of a major war. World leaders in Europe, Asia, Africa, and elsewhere view U.S. military intervention with increasing alarm, and international opinion indicates that the United States may be more hated than ever. Could U.S. policies be provoking this hatred and the ever more ominous threats to the safety of Americans and people around the world? If so, how can we produce a safer world?

This teeters close to the thin line between asking a reasonable question and the "blame America" phenomenon, but if U.S. policies are provoking terrorism, isn’t it worth examining whether those policies are achieving goals which make them worth that risk? There are times when international opinion should be disregarded because the policy objective is so worthwhile. In this case, the very objective is to lessen the risk of another terrorist attack — and surely international opinion of the United States is at the heart of the matter.

On the home front, the U.S. government has acquired broad new police powers to systematically spy on and detain both American citizens and foreign nationals without due process. Will the USA PATRIOT Act — legislation still being written when it was passed by Congress last fall — really hinder terrorists, or will it simply enable militant fundamentalists to destroy American liberty as the U.S. itself shreds the Bill of Rights?

All perfectly reasonable questions, which pro- and anti-war libertarians should find worth debating.

Lindsey also seems to think that only anarchist libertarians could oppose the war. It is true that anarchists of any stripe are likely to oppose war, regardless. But not only are there plenty of minarchist libertarians who oppose the war, but the noninterventionist principle Lindsey eschews does not in any sense forbid action in response to the Sept. 11 attacks (as he seems to think). It’s precisely in response to such a direct attack the noninterventionist principle dictates that military action is permissible.

Lindsey writes that no general principle can guide us in foreign policy. While I don’t claim that the noninterventionist principle (like the nonaggression principle) is flawless or applicable everywhere at all times, I think it’s a principle worth hanging our hat on. And many of Lindsey’s colleagues at the Cato Institute seem to agree — e.g., Ted Galen Carpenter, Ivan Eland, Doug Bandow. Perhaps Lindsey should defer to their expertise.

Why libertarians are important

Interestingly, Lindsey finishes up by explaining that anti-war libertarians should be tossed so that worthwhile ideas such as vouchers and Social Security privatization aren’t weighed down by anti-war "baggage."

Virginia Postrel takes issue with that last bit, while agreeing with his otherwise "excellent posting," saying:

We’re important because we raise essential, long-term objections — both pragmatic and principled (a dichotomy I don’t entirely accept) — to giving the cause of "security" a free pass to do whatever happens to be on someone’s state-expanding wish list.

Hmm. Isn’t this precisely what anti-war libertarians are doing? They believe that many are using the laudable goal of security to widen the scope and size of government in the sphere of foreign policy. Does public choice analysis disappear the moment we hit international waters?

Just as many might disagree with libertarians about restrictions on civil liberties, many disagree with anti-war libertarians about the necessity of war. Does that make their opposition de facto unnecessary or unproductive? I don’t think so. It depends on the arguments offered. And the best arguments are worth considering, even if we ultimately reject them.

The answer is blowin’ in the windscreen

First things first, the Cubs’ new bleacher windscreens are not about security. If they are, it’s just one more example of idiotic overreaction to Sept. 11. When will folks in the sports world get it through their heads that they are not terrorist targets, and that all their supposed security measures only inconvenience the people who pay the bills — the fans?

But what is at issue here is the long-running battle between the Wrigleyville Rooftop Owners Association and the Tribune Co. In fact, back in December when the Cubs first started experimenting with the windscreen idea, Cubs Executive Vice President of Business Operations Mark McGuire didn’t say anything about security. What he did say:

Frankly, one of the reasons we would be looking at it now is that if the rooftops continue to be the one group aggressively trying to kill our [expansion] project, there is a feeling we should contemplate a more aggressive response.

Ah-ha! It’s true that the rooftop owners have opposed the Cubs’ plans to expand bleacher seating which would block some rooftop views of game action. One shouldn’t be surprised that they’re upset at the thought of losing a real cash cow, but just because they’re the David to the Tribune Co.’s Goliath doesn’t mean they’ve got right on their side.

In fact, the Tribune Co. is perfectly within its rights to expand Wrigley bleacher seating or alter the park in whatever manner it sees fit. Tribune Co. execs know that while Wrigley is their biggest money generator, they need the flexibility to make changes to stay competitive.

Which is why it is resisting the city’s efforts to make Wrigley a landmark. As McGuire told Dan Barry of the New York Times, "While we agree with the city that the facility in total is special, certain things are not, like chain-link fences and precast concrete."

Many people have the misimpression that declaring a property a landmark somehow "protects" it, but what it really does is make it more vulnerable by limiting the owners’ ability to alter it in such a way that it can survive and keep up with the times.

Landmark "protection" is really just another property taking without just compensation. Of course, owners themselves sometimes seek landmark protection, which is only done because they fear the market — i.e., the cumulative decisions of free individuals — won’t support their overvaluation of the property.

So what do we have here? We have a group of freeloaders whining that the Cubs are trying to block a view they have no legal or moral right to, and they have used the public process of zoning approval — notorious for its special-interest pleading and bureaucratic powermongering — to try and protect their something-for-nothing deal.

In the meantime, Team Marketing Report predicts the extra seats would yield $10.6 million annually for the Cubs. CNN Money’s Chris Isidore says that’s peanuts, but those are peanuts that the Tribune Co. — which, after all, puts on the games and maintains the "shrine" — should be gobbling up. As it now stands, the rooftop owners are getting the peanuts and leaving the Cubs with the empty shells.

Mmm … peanuts.

Never forget

On Sept. 12, 2001, the headlines read, "U.S. attacked," as if Nebraskans were fighting off terrorists at the local feed store. But no collective entity called "America" died on Sept. 11. Our supposed innocence wasn’t lost, but the lives of about 3,000 people were. It is those individual lives, not the bloviations of politicians, pundits and network anchors, that should be remembered. Read the "Portraits of Grief" at the New York Times.

You can’t always get what you want

According to Steve Chapman, that’s the lesson that neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis have learned. He writes:

Many Israelis, notably Ariel Sharon, have long fantasized that they could suppress the danger posed by Palestinian terrorism while holding on to everything that matters to them — an undivided Jerusalem, Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza, ultimate control over the amount of autonomy allowed the Palestinians, and so on.

A lot of Palestinians, including Yasser Arafat, have never abandoned the hope of eventually claiming all the land of Palestine and ridding themselves of the hated Jewish state — and they expect the Israelis to compromise with them anyway.

I think it’s a good point. It’s kind of a prisoner’s dilemma. Each side thinks they can have it all, but they’d both be better off if they compromised and settled for less than what they ultimately want.

But when are two dueling parties most likely to come to the table? When one of two things happens: (1) Both sides come to the realization that they’ll never win the war completely, or (2) one side does win the war convincingly and the other side has no choice but to surrender to "compromise."

And — let’s face it — this is not a war in which either side will ever yield to unconditional surrender. In the meantime, there’s nothing Colin Powell or any U.S. diplomat can do to change that.

To the contrary, as Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas) has pointed out, U.S. involvement does little to improve the chances for Mideast peace, but does a whole lot to make enemies for ourselves among terrorists — and the nations which support them — in the region.

And I think Alan Bock was on track when he argued thusly:

It makes at least as much sense and probably more to suggest that the continuing conviction that the United States will eventually play an increasingly intense and involved role … is as much a deterrent to peace as a goad toward settlement.

If both sides believe that the United States … will eventually have to step in, then neither side has much of an incentive to take the idea of negotiating very seriously.

Read the rest of Bock’s column at Antiwar.com. He makes several good points.

This is the LP on drugs

Remember those obnoxious Super Bowl ads which claimed that drug users were giving money to terrorists? The Libertarian Party has struck back as part of its "drug war strategy."

Print ads placed in the USA Today and the Washington Times on Feb. 26 showed a large photo of drug czar John Walters. Small text running over the center of his face read: "This week, I had lunch with the President, testified before Congress, and helped funnel $40 million in illegal drug money to groups like the Taliban."

The so-called drug war strategy is controversial within the LP. Many Americans already associate the LP primarily with its pro-legalization stance on drugs, often negatively or outside the context of the LP’s comprehensive platform, which favors maximizing both individual liberty and personal responsibility.

So, should the LP risk being pigeonholed as the pro-drug party — to the extent that it isn’t already — in order to exploit one of the few true wedge issues it has? Polls have shown increasing support for alternatives to the drug war, which the LP has opposed since its founding. And the medical marijuana movement is so popular that network sitcoms like "The Simpsons" are satirizing it.

I think that the strategy is both worth the risk as well as morally commendable. At this point, what does the LP have to lose? A few hundred locally elected officials? That’s not much of a risk. The odds against electoral success are very long. Even Ralph Nader is struggling to hold together his formerly burgeoning coalition.

Now is the time for the LP to be bold and, frankly, not concern itself so much with winning elections for the time being. If the LP survives only as a kind of pressure group that engages in media campaigns to support libertarian causes, that would be OK with me. Sure, it would mean I’d have to stop voting, but at least it would be doing some good instead of just being an ineffective, second-rate "third party."

In the meantime, get the facts on how the drug war finances terrorist activity.
10:49 PM]

Web smacks down old media powerhouse

Nope, the Times is doing fine. Slate hasn’t put The New Republic out of business. So which old media powerhouse has been slain by its Internet competition? Penthouse magazine. Bye-bye, grease!

Of course, this shouldn’t come as a surprise. The old men’s mags have been hurting for years, Playboy especially. Harder stuff is easily — and perhaps more importantly, anonymously — available online, and magazines like Maxim, Stuff and FHM have given the bunny a run for its money in the "guy" market. Most men would rather see some young sitcom starlet nearly nude than see the "women of Enron" completely nude.

Meanwhile, Playboy’s online revenues increased by 18 percent in the fourth quarter of 2001, and they still lost $4.5 million.

Best search technology? Yep. Best business plan? Hmm …

Good story by Saul Hansell in the New York Times examining Google‘s search for a business plan.

"We have pride that we are building a service that is really important to the world and really successful for the long term," says co-founder Larry Page. But as several industry experts note in the story, that’s not enough. We all wish it were, but it’s not.

According to Jupiter Media Metrix, Google users used the site an average of 24.1 minutes a month, 7.9 minutes more than the nearest search competitor, Ask Jeeves. How can Google capitalize on that?

I don’t know what a successful long-term business plan for Google would look like, but I do hope (1) that it is able to develop one fast so it doesn’t disappear and (2) that it doesn’t become so focused on business matters (I’m looking at you, Yahoo!) that it allows its core mission — making the "best search technology on the planet" — to fade from view. Don’t forget what got you where you are, Google.

Do you have your Google toolbar yet?